Symbole de la Françafrique, Robert Bourgi aborde, pour la toute première fois dans un livre, sa vie, ses rapports avec son mentor Jacques Foccart et l'ensemble des missions effectuées pendant près de quarante ans pour le compte des présidents africains et français parmi lesquels les principaux ténors de la droite (Jacques Chirac, Nicolas Sarkozy, Charles Pasqua, Jacques Toubon, Dominique de Villepin, Claude Guéant, François Fillon etc.). Il révèle les circuits des financements des partis politiques français, en se basant sur ses notes personnelles conservées pendant 40 ans. Et décripte des dossiers sensibles auxquels il a participé libération des journalistes français du Liban dans les années 1980, réhabilitation de Mobutu Sese Seko, libération de l'otage française Clothilde Reiss en Iran, sauvetage de Laurent Gbagbo, démission de Jean-Marie Bockel, nomination d'ambassadeurs de France en Afrique, lobbying auprès de l'Élysée pour le compte des chefs d'État africains... De Félix Houphouët-Boigny et Laurent Gbagbo (Côte d'Ivoire) à Mobutu Sese Seko (RD Congo) en passant par Blaise Compaoré (Burkina Faso), Mathieu Kérékou (Bénin), Abdoulaye Wade et Macky Sall (Sénégal), Mohamed ould Abdel Aziz (Mauritanie), Gnassingbé Eyadéma (Togo), Pascal Lissouba, Denis Sassou Nguesso (Congo) et surtout Omar et Ali Bongo (Gabon), il lève le voile sur la psychologie de nombreux présidents, au sud du Sahara, et leur régime apportant au lecteur un regard nouveau sur la politique africaine de la France durant plusieurs décennies.
Why violence in the Congo has continued despite decades of international intervention
Well into its third decade, the military conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo has been dubbed a forever war--a perpetual cycle of war, civil unrest, and local feuds over power and identity. Millions have died in one of the worst humanitarian calamities of our time. The War That Doesn't Say Its Name investigates the most recent phase of this conflict, asking why the peace deal of 2003--accompanied by the largest United Nations peacekeeping mission in the world and tens of billions in international aid--has failed to stop the violence. Jason Stearns argues that the fighting has become an end in itself, carried forward in substantial part through the apathy and complicity of local and international actors. Stearns shows that regardless of the suffering, there has emerged a narrow military bourgeoisie of commanders and politicians for whom the conflict is a source of survival, dignity, and profit. Foreign donors provide food and urgent health care for millions, preventing the Congolese state from collapsing, but this involvement has not yielded transformational change. Stearns gives a detailed historical account of this period, focusing on the main players--Congolese and Rwandan states and the main armed groups. He extrapolates from these dynamics to other conflicts across Africa and presents a theory of conflict that highlights the interests of the belligerents and the social structures from which they arise. Exploring how violence in the Congo has become preoccupied with its own reproduction, The War That Doesn't Say Its Name sheds light on why certain military feuds persist without resolution.The first survey of the Pan-African movement this century, this book provides a history of the individuals and organisations that have sought the unity of all those of African origin as the basis for advancement and liberation. Initially an idea and movement that took root among the African Diaspora, in more recent times Pan-Africanism has been embodied in the African Union, the organisation of African states which includes the entire African Diaspora as its 'sixth region'.
Hakim Adi covers many of the key political figures of the 20th century, including Du Bois, Garvey, Malcolm X, Nkrumah and Gaddafi, as well as Pan-African culture expression from Négritude to the wearing of the Afro hair style and the music of Bob Marley.
La journaliste examine les questions qui hantent le présent: pourquoi tant d'ex-rebelles contestent-ils la version officielle de l'attentat qui a tué les présidents rwandais, burundais et a été l'élément déclencheur du génocide ? Pourquoi les massacres n'ont-ils pas pris fin lorsque les rebelles ont pris le contrôle du pays ? Pourquoi plusieurs de ces chefs rebelles, la victoire assurée, ont-ils préféré fuir le pays ?
Essays on the security challenges faced by African states.
The central concern that shapes this edited volume is the nature of the African state. Contributors point to an interesting intersection of domestic and external issues that is framed as a glocalized security situation. Individual chapters shed new insights on conflict drivers through case studies on Sierra Leone, Cameroon, Mali, Nigeria, and Somalia, as well as broader issues on the nature of African states. Arguments pivot on three issues, which show the intersection of the domestic and external forces that render the African state as a glocal problem: (a) the colonial roots of the state, (b) problems of governance, and (c) international and regional security imperatives. By problematizing the African state and connecting the security challenges of African states to colonialism, patrimonial rule, and geopolitical security issues, African States brings forth a new way of examining African states through the notion of glocalized security.
Beyond Mimicry offers critical analysis of the main characteristics of African endogenous approaches to governance, investigating the potential of these systems in response to the crises many of today's societies in Africa are facing. The book reflects on these studies and develops policy recommendations for African decision-makers willing to consider integrating endogenous systems of governance as a basis to search for alternative solutions to current critical issues.
Can subalterns transform themselves into members of the elite, and what does it take to do so? And how do those efforts reveal the nature of ethnic politics in postcolonial Africa?
How to Become a Big Man in Africa: Subalternity, Elites, and Ethnic Politics in Contemporary Nigeria examines these questions by revealing how, through ethno-regional conflict, violence and cultural activities, an artisan, Gani Adams, transformed himself into the holder of the most prestigious chieftaincy title among the Yoruba. Addressing persistent gaps in anthropological studies of the subaltern and of big men in politics through in-depth biography and rich social history, Wale Adebanwi follows Adams and other major figures in Nigeria's Oodua People's Congress (OPC) over two decades of ethnographic study and visual representations. Challenging existing models of African political mobility by leveraging his initial lack of formal education into a position of power, Adams moved from a radical lumpen and area boy to a big man who continues to struggle--and reflect--over the significance of his role as a cultural subject. Blurring the lines between tradition and modernity, Adams and his group have used Yoruba rituals to simultaneously claim authenticity and champion new movements for democracy and self-determination.
How to Become a Big Man in Africa encourages us to understand the full complexity of Adams's political trajectory and how it reflects the structural and personal realities of becoming a Big Man in the contemporary postcolony.
Civil-military relations in the Global South are both important and understudied. In practice, this leads to international programmes repeatedly, erroneously assuming that the only way to restore stability, development and peace in post-conflict and post-crisis societies is to focus on state-building without taking into account the respective political culture in place. The results in the Global South, and particularly in Africa, have been weak and fragile at best.
In this open access book, through rich new case studies of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Cameroon, and Rwanda, Olaf Bachmann takes an important step in de-Westernizing civil-military relations theory. Focussing on one of the key pillars of the state-the army-and starting from the historically established axiom that there cannot be a state without an army and there cannot be an army without a state, Bachmann demonstrates how and why most African militaries never developed into professional armies. Instead, they have generally remained quasi-armies in the context of the quasi-states that established themselves after independence. Analyzing these events in the context of a wide array of Asian and African sources, Bachmann exposes the Anglo-Eurocentrism at the heart of Samuel Huntington's hugely influential theory of the soldier and the state, and in so doing, he provides a powerful, more globally relevant re-examination of state-formation processes as they relate to the control of violence. The ebook editions of this book are available open access under a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 licence on bloomsburycollections.com. Open access was funded by the Bloomsbury Open Collections Library Collective.In this latest book by the award-winning author of the hugely influential Male Daughters, Female Husbands, Ifi Amadiume propels gender relations beyond dichotomies and discriminations, and towards a power-sharing argument in discourse, contestation and resistance.
Representing the culmination of over 40 years of ground-breaking work on notions of matriarchy at the intersection of the Igbo-African universe and the Western capitalist reality, Amadiume sets forth a blueprint for a bold new matriarchitarianism, critiquing all forms of social injustice with a shared matriarchal-relational humanism. In each chapter of the book, Amadiume applies these principles to a dazzling array of subjects: from religious leadership, kinship and family relations, to sexuality, creative writing and matters of conscience in race, class and gender. African Possibilities explodes our notions of matriarchy into original and compelling arguments, and offers a radical alternative approach to the world's entrenched injustices.