The Second Treatise of Government by John Locke is a classic work of political philosophy that explores the nature of civil society and government. Published in 1689, this treatise remains a cornerstone of modern political thought, influencing the ideas behind the American Revolution and the development of modern liberal democracy. Locke's writing is characterized by clear, concise argumentation and a commitment to the principles of individual liberty, consent, and property rights. He argues that government is established to protect the natural rights of its citizens, and that it is the responsibility of the people to ensure that their government operates justly and within the bounds of the law. Whether you are a student of political science, a historian, or simply someone interested in the foundations of modern democracy, The Second Treatise of Government is a must-read. Its enduring relevance and the profound impact it has had on modern political thought make it an essential addition to any library.

Collector's Edition Laminated Hardback with Jacket

Imagine a world where fear and chaos rule, where every person is in constant conflict, and life is a brutal fight for survival. This is the bleak reality Hobbes presents, showing how human self-interest leads to inevitable strife unless a powerful authority, the Leviathan, is established. In gripping detail, he explores how this authority can create order and peace, turning chaos into a stable society. With sharp, thought-provoking insights, the book questions the balance between freedom and control in the quest for security.

Leviathan is a groundbreaking work that forever changed the way we think about power, government, and society. Written during the turbulence of the English Civil War, Hobbes' ideas laid the foundation for modern political philosophy. His argument for a strong, central authority to maintain peace influenced thinkers for centuries and shaped the development of constitutional governments. Even today, Hobbes' vision of the social contract continues to provoke debate about the balance between authority and individual freedom in society.

This book is a look at how law enforcement efforts in intelligence-led policing are progressing in Europe (Great Britain and France), Australia and North America (U.S. and Canada). Thus, about eighteen intelligence professionals add their experience in ILP and their expertise in analysis to demystifying the role that analysis and intelligence should play in preventative policing.

The Second Treatise of Government outlines John Locke's theory of civil society. Locke begins by describing the state of nature, and argues that all men are created equal in the state of nature by God. From this, he goes on to explain the hypothetical rise of property and civilization, in the process explaining that the only legitimate governments are those that have the consent of the people. Therefore, any government that rules without the consent of the people can, in theory, be overthrown.

The work of Thomas Hobbes made theories based upon a state of nature popular in 17th-century England, even as most of those who employed such arguments were deeply troubled by his absolutist conclusions. Locke's state of nature can be seen in light of this tradition. There is not and never has been any divinely ordained monarch over the entire world, Locke argues. However, the fact that the natural state of humanity is without an institutionalized government does not mean it is lawless. Human beings are still subject to the laws of God and nature.

This case laminate collector's edition includes a Victorian inspired dust-jacket.

Why has U.S. security policy scarcely changed from the Bush to the Obama administration? National Security and Double Government offers a disquieting answer. Michael J. Glennon challenges the myth that U.S. security policy is still forged by America's visible, Madisonian institutions - the President, Congress, and the courts. Their roles, he argues, have become largely illusory. Presidential control is now nominal, congressional oversight is dysfunctional, and judicial review is negligible. The book details the dramatic shift in power that has occurred from the Madisonian institutions to a concealed Trumanite network - the several hundred managers of the military, intelligence, diplomatic, and law enforcement agencies who are responsible for protecting the nation and who have come to operate largely immune from constitutional and electoral restraints. Reform efforts face daunting obstacles. Remedies within this new system of double government require the hollowed-out Madisonian institutions to exercise the very power that they lack. Meanwhile, reform initiatives from without confront the same pervasive political ignorance within the polity that has given rise to this duality. The book sounds a powerful warning about the need to resolve this dilemma-and the mortal threat posed to accountability, democracy, and personal freedom if double government persists. This paperback version features an Afterword that addresses the emerging danger posed by populist authoritarianism rejecting the notion that the security bureaucracy can or should be relied upon to block it.

Lobbying: Business, Law and Public Policy, Why and How 12,000 People Spend $3+ Billion Impacting Our Government provides students, practitioners and engaged citizens with an understanding of this highly charged aspect of American democracy. Mention the words lobbying or lobbyist to a friend or colleague and you will likely get a strong response. Some people view lobbying as nothing more than the practice of buying influence, power and legislation. To others, lobbying plays a vital part in our policymaking process, enabling us to exercise one of our most treasured constitutional rights - the right to petition the government. In reality, both positions have merit and that is what makes lobbying such an interesting practice. Lobbying is a multibillion-dollar industry that impacts all aspects of public policy at the highest level of government. At the same time, it is also the avenue by which the average citizen meets with their government representatives to request action. Lobbying is inherently a multi-disciplinary topic. Effective lobbying requires understanding the political and policymaking process. It is also a function of human psychology and strategy consulting. Many lobbyists have a legal background, which enables them to draft and dissect legislation and make meaningful recommendations, but some are former politicians, businessmen and communications specialists. Lastly, lobbying requires business acumen, drawing on skills such as networking, consulting and public relations. While these disciplines can be looked at separately, lobbying requires the study of all of them together. The goal of this book is to take the mystery and hyperbole out of lobbying and explain the business, law and public policy aspects of the field. By the last page you will understand and appreciate (1) the history of lobbying from King Solomon to the present day; (2) the business of lobbying; (3) the laws, regulations and ethics that accompany lobbying; (4) the art and science of effective lobbying; and (5) the differences in lobbying worldwide. This book can be used for a stand-alone course on lobbying and advocacy or as a supplementary text for courses on government, policymaking, ethics and regulation. It is also a useful guide for citizens who want to impact public policy. Mark Fagan is Adjunct Lecturer in Public Policy at Harvard Kennedy School, Harvard University and a founding partner of the strategy consulting firm Norbridge.

This book examines the geographical imaginaries that underpinned international efforts to create the first international organizations along the Rhine, Danube, and Congo Rivers. In doing so, these imaginaries helped constitute the early international order in the nineteenth century and continues to underpin modern global governance today.

A passionate story of an injured worker, who's family, employer and his own lawyer all conspired together to ruin me financially, mentally and physically over the eight years in court. Using fake judges, stenographers and even fake court hearings.

John Mark Keyes and Wendy Gordon have charted here a complete life cycle of legislation. Drafting, Interpreting, and Applying Legislation begins by discussing what legislation is and what it does, as well as the purposes for which it is used. This informative book then addresses the drafting of legislative texts and the processes for transforming them into law. It goes on to explain how legislation is found, understood, and applied, including the interpretive principles and techniques for resolving disputes about its meaning and application. Among the works dealing with the Canadian system of written laws, it is one of the most comprehensive in scope, encompassing both how legislation is made and how it is interpreted and applied.

The ideal river offers a remarkable account of how historic attempts to establish international commissions on three transboundary rivers in the nineteenth century shaped our modern international order.

This book is a quick read. I did that on purpose. It is to get you caught up to speed as absolutely quick as possible. We don't have any time to mess around; we have to start taking back what is ours, today. This book is about how to deal with any law enforcement, lawyers, judges, clerks, bailiffs, and ANY other type of individual that you interact with that is trying to cause you harm. Without knowing how to file or fill out paperwork, without knowing or even having to care about court procedure laws or statutes or policy and it doesn't matter WHERE you are in the WORLD This is finally YOUR silver bullet that THEY said didn't exist. I wish I could have had this information 30 years ago. My entire life would have been different. Once you understand the concepts in this book, and your words, demeanor, and actions come from the heart, you will be surrounded with an impenetrable shield of love so strong that nothing can break through.

Study of the CIA's Detention and Interrogation Program - Foreword, Findings and Conclusions, and Executive Summary.The Committee Study of the Central Intelligence Agency's Detention and Interrogation Program, commonly known as the CIA Torture Report, is a 6,000-page report compiled by the United States Senate Select Committee on Intelligence (SSCI) about the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)'s Detention and Interrogation Program using enhanced interrogation techniques (a euphemism for torture) on detainees following the September 11 attacks in 2001. The full report has not been published, but the committee voted in April 2014 to release the recommendations, executive summary, and findings of the report. A 525-page unclassified portion of the report was released on December 9, 2014, after a presentation on the floor of the Senate by Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-CA), the chairwoman of the Select Committee on Intelligence. Over 90% of the report remains classified. The report, which took four years and $40 million to compile, focused on 2001-06. It detailed actions by CIA officials and shortcomings of the detention project. One key finding was that enhanced interrogation techniques did not help acquire actionable intelligence or gain cooperation from detainees.

Access to government information faces many roadblocks in developing and emerging economies due to lack of appropriate legal frameworks and other requisite information laws. However, there is hope that many countries are now recognizing the importance of providing access to public information resources. Digital Access and E-Government: Perspectives from Developing and Emerging Countries explores the relationships that exist between access to information laws and e-government. It shares the strategies used in encouraging access to information in a variety of jurisdictions and environments, to be of use to e-government designers and practitioners, policymakers, and university professors.

Exert your birthright to obtain freedom from corrupt government agencies and their jurisdiction. Freedom from Government; How to Reclaim Your Power is your handbook for dealing with government on your terms. Learn how to win any court case, what to say to law enforcement, the problem with attorneys (and why you NEVER want to hire one), why statute and legislation only apply to you if you allow it, the difference between a right and a privilige, what it means to be truly free and responsible for yourself and your estate, the history of our legal system (and why it is so messed up), how to get remedy for inherent rights violations, and everything else you will need to make them LEAVE YOU ALONE FOREVER

The Westminster parliament is a highly visible political institution, and one of its core functions is approving new laws. Yet Britain's legislative process is often seen as executive-dominated, and parliament as relatively weak. As this book shows, such impressions can be misleading.

Drawing on the largest study of its kind for more than forty years, Meg Russell and Daniel Gover cast new light on the political dynamics that shape the legislative process. They provide a fascinating account of the passage of twelve government bills - collectively attracting more than 4000 proposed amendments - through both the House of Commons and House of Lords. These include highly contested changes such as Labour's identity cards scheme and the coalition's welfare reforms, alongside other relatively uncontroversial measures. As well as studying the parliamentary record and amendments, the study draws from more than 100 interviews with legislative insiders.

Following introductory chapters about the Westminster legislative process, the book focuses on the contribution of distinct parliamentary 'actors', including the government, opposition, backbenchers, select committees, and pressure groups. It considers their behaviour in the legislative process, what they seek to achieve, and crucially how they influence policy decisions. The final chapter reflects on Westminster's influence overall, showing this to be far greater than commonly assumed. Parliamentary influence is asserted in various different ways - ranging from visible amendments to more subtle means of changing government's behaviour.

The book's findings make an important contribution to understanding both British politics and the dynamics of legislative bodies more broadly. Its readability and relevance will appeal to both specialists and general readers with interests in politics and law, in the UK and beyond.

Chronicling and analyzing resistance to the threat that autocracy poses to American liberal democracy, this book provides the definitive account of the rise of Trump's populist support in 2016, and his failed efforts to nullify the result of the 2020 election.

This book is about the threat of autocracy, which antedated Donald Trump and will persist after he leaves the stage. Autocracy negates both liberalism--which includes the protection of fundamental rights, the rule of law, separation of powers, and respect for specialist expertise--and democracy--which requires that the state be responsible to an electorate composed of all eligible voters--by concentrating unconstrained power in a single individual. Anticipating defeat in the 2016 election, Trump attacked suggestions that he had sought, or even benefited from, Russian assistance despite the evidence, and he made repeated claims of election fraud. In 2020, fearful that his mishandling of the pandemic had alienated voters, he intensified the allegations of fraud, demanding recounts, pressuring state legislatures and state election officials, advancing bizarre conspiracy theories, and finally, calling for a massive demonstration, urging protesters to march to the Capitol to pressure Congress, promising to accompany them. But as this book documents, Trump's efforts to nullify the result of the 2020 election failed. As the courts rejected his numerous challenges, state election officials loyally performed their statutory duties, the Justice Department found no evidence of fraud, and politicians from all sides certified Biden's victory, this book traces the many, and varied, forms of the defense of liberal democracy located within both the state and civil society, including law (judges, government lawyers, and private practitioners), the media, NGOs, science (and other forms of expertise), and civil servants (in federal, state, and local government). Evaluating their efficacy, the book maintains, is vital if--as history has repeatedly taught us--the price of liberal democracy, like that of liberty itself, is eternal vigilance.

This definitive account and analysis of Trumpism and the resistance to it will appeal to scholars, students, and others with interests in politics, populism, and the rule of law and, more specifically, to those concerned with resisting the threat that autocracy poses to liberal democracy.

For over twenty-five years, the Democratic Republic of the Congo has been depicted by the media as a nation in turmoil. Armed militias and armies ravage villages, stealing crops and minerals, while proxy wars displace countless citizens. Political violence, corruption, and social insecurity plague the nation, leading to a humanitarian crisis where fundamental human rights are routinely violated. This book delves into the harrowing realities of life in Congo, where public education and healthcare are in shambles, and most people live on less than two dollars a day. Amidst this, political leaders enjoy exorbitant salaries while public servants endure poverty. This empirical research critically examines the gap between the constitutional provisions of human rights and their implementation, presenting stark indicators of a failed state. By analyzing the human rights situation from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to the current state Constitution, the book reveals the Congo's descent into chaos and calls for accountability for its violations.

Human trafficking has emerged as one of the top international and domestic policy concerns, and is well covered and often sensationalized by the media. The nature of the topic combined with various international pressures has resulted in an array of government-led mandates to combat the issue.

The Domestication of Human Trafficking examines Canada's criminal justice approaches to human trafficking, with a particular focus on the ways in which the intersecting factors of race, class, gender, and sexuality impact practice. Using a wide range of qualitative and empirically grounded research methods, including extensive analysis of court documents, trial transcripts, and interviews with criminal justice actors, this book contributes to much-needed research that examines, specifies, and sometimes complicates the narratives of how trafficking works as a criminal offence. The Domestication of Human Trafficking turns our attention to the ways in which the offence of human trafficking is made on the front lines of criminal justice efforts in Canada.

Frederic Bastiat, who was born two hundred years ago, was a leader of the French laissez-faire tradition in the first half of the nineteenth century. He was influenced by Cobden's Anti-Corn Law League and became a convinced free trader. Joseph Schumpeter described Bastiat as 'the most brilliant economic journalist who ever lived'. In The Law, written in 1850, the year of his death, Bastiat recognises the central importance of the law and morality in a free society. He was concerned that government was using the 'law' to become too active a participant in the economy whilst devoting too little attention to protecting life and liberty. This Occasional Paper, which reprints an English translation of The Law, includes a new introduction by Professor Norman Barry of the University of Buckingham which places Bastiat's views in their historical context and explains their continuing relevance today.

El Per , tierra vida de descubrimientos, no deja de sorprender al m s racional habitante del planeta por sus recursos como su gente. Emular a otros sistemas democr ticos resulta loable, pero no olvidemos su idiosincrasia sin la cual, la manera como se ejercita la participaci n ciudadana resultar a catastr fica. Es mejor admitir lo que somos para lograr un reflejo institucional acorde con la realidad que nos regula. El bicentenario nos permite sostener que la democracia peruana ha sido y es un sistema din mico, asistido no solo por su Constituci n y las leyes, sino tambi n por los hechos y la tica incipiente relacionada con una informalidad en diferentes aspectos que afectan a la gobernabilidad del pa sLa proximidad al a o 2021 nos plantea el momento para mostrar que este fen meno como otros, m s que ser combatidos por el Estado debe ser primero evaluados mediante par metros o indicadores, que permitan que las instituciones como las normas sean m s eficaces y eficientes, desechando la percepci n que stas no funcionan porque no se condicen con el esp ritu de la regulaci n misma. De ah , la vigencia del apotegma romano: Del hecho nace el derecho, afirmaci n que implica buscar la adecuaci n de nuestra cultura a los elementos de control y orden, propios del derecho del Estado.El papel del Estado, cuya presencia es lejana en las zonas inh spitas dando lugar a su poco o nulo control que como autoridad le compete, olvidando que puede delegar, pero bajo una constante supervisi n sus funciones en entidades de la sociedad. El Per dista mucho de ser un Estado monol tico, llegando a ser hasta informal en la actuaci n de sus autoridades, sobre todo pol ticas. Un hecho vigente pero no novedoso ha sido y es la corrupci n. Radicaba en las autoridades gubernativas del rey, aunque se denominaba abuso y por ello fue establecido el juicio de residencia, con el objeto de conocer c mo se hab an utilizado los recursos del monarca. Juicio que continu durante la Rep blica. Reemplazado en 1867 por un proceso t cnico que comprend a a los altos funcionarios estatales, pues se pensaba que la mala pr ctica de unos cuantos no pod a dejar en entredicho a todo el sistema.